Scrubs asylum minister Marjolein Faber got the “strictest asylum policy ever” off the ground. Her short regime was mainly dominated by bickering, riots and the impracticability of her plans.
The strictest asylum policy ever. That promises the party program of PVV, VVD, NSC and BBB in September. Especially for the PVV, which has asylum migration as the largest spearhead, this is an important promise. So it is Geert Wilders who puts the minister forward for this: Marjolein Faber.
The focus is with this Minister of Asylum and migration mainly on the first part of her job title. Asylum migration is smaller than, for example, study or labor migration, but these people stay in the Netherlands much more often.
The right -wing parties use that this has an effect on, for example, education and homes here as a rewarding substantiation for their asylum plans. But the problems with education and homes were mainly caused by policy, and not by asylum seekers.
Policy must mainly scare off
Yet the government’s government program promises great things. For example, the Netherlands wants an opt-out on European asylum rules and the government wants to introduce asylum measures so quickly that they do not initially go to parliament. Moreover, there are all laws with which the asylum policy must become stricter, more sober and above all frightening.
Faber does not hide it: the Netherlands is too attractive for asylum seekers for her. Although scientific research cannot yet prove or exclude that the policy itself ensures that asylum seekers come to the Netherlands, Faber claims that.
In the first months of her ministry, the minister is already getting the news, for example with the plan to place return signs at asylum seekers’ centers (AZCs). These actions mainly have effect in the media and conversations at coffee machines. The asylum reception remains, although the number of asylum seekers has fallen throughout Europe, for the time being overcrowded.
Crisis Act and Asylum Laws
In the end, Faber manages to submit her first real big plans to the Lower House at the end of last year. It concerns the so -called two -state system and a law containing various measures, the asylum measures law.
That should actually be a crisis law. After all, the government wants to take measures immediately and only inform the parliament later, just as it went in the Coronacrisis. Faber has never received the “load -bearing motivation” for that. After pressure from the room, the coalition gets a line through the controversial plan.
But it is also not going smoothly around Faber’s new laws. Involved authorities complain that they barely have the time to look at the plans and have great concerns about the feasibility. The highest advisory body of the government also points to the (in) feasibility of the plans. Faber itself also refuses to change a point or comma on the laws, even if they get stuck in court.
There is also a lot of criticism of the extra border controls introduced since December. Last week the Court of Audit concluded that they do not provide relief in the asylum chain. Even Wilders mentions the extra checks “a wax nose”.
Virtually all Faber plans are questioned. In several cases, the judge also whistles the minister back. This happens, for example, when withdrawing the contribution for the Bed-Bad Brood locations or a sudden reduction in the budget for refugee work.
Faber mainly receives attention from riots
Faber, she says several times, continues to “go through”. But in the meantime, the relationship with its own implementing organizations and municipalities are constantly coming under pressure. For example, they are angry about all the uncertainty surrounding the withdrawal of the Spreading Act.
Fabers relationship with MPs is also rapidly deteriorating. Faber makes little effort to get the cooperation and understanding of the MPs, although she does need it for a majority in the Senate. The debates are mainly dominated by annoyances and collisions.
Those annoyances reach a boiling point at the beginning of this year after Faber has refused to grant ribbons to people who voluntarily commit themselves to asylum seekers. The size is full for almost the entire opposition. After all, it is not the first time that the minister wants to draw attention to her file through riots.
“Go to work”, it also sounds from her own coalition partners. PVV member Wilders will continue to support his own minister through thick and thin.
Asylum laws will probably continue
It does not stop Faber, as they call it in The Hague, to continue to throw pieces of red meat in the political arena. Because not long after the ribbon riot, the minister is openly angry with the outings that the Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers (COA) organizes for asylum seekers.
The Netherlands will mainly remember Faber for such riots and one -liners such as “I am a policy”. Because due to the early fall of the cabinet, Faber has not had the opportunity to further convert its plans into new policy.
Despite the fall of the cabinet, Fabers Asylum Laws are probably simply treated in parliament. But it will be her successor who will polish the laws in such a way that they are in line with the rule of law and come through the rooms. And then it is not Faber, but her successor who can iron with the honor of a stricter asylum policy.
Faber puts a line under it: ‘I was policy’
Outgoing Asylum Minister Marjolein Faber Barely Got the “Strictest Asylum Policy Ever” Off the ground. The letter was Mainly Marked by Bickering, Squabbles, and the Impracticality of Her Plans.
The Strictest Asylum Policy Ever. That is what the party program of PVV, VVD, NSC, and BBB, presented in September, Promises. ESpeciate for the PVV, which has Asylum Migration as its main priority, this is an important promise. So Geert Wilders is the one who puts the minister Forward for This: Marjolein Faber.
The Focus of this Minister of Asylum and Migration is Mainly on the First Part of Her Job Title. Asylum Migration is narrower than, for example, Study or Labor Migration, But These People Are Much More Likely to Stay in the Netherlands Permanently.
The Right-Wing Parties use the fact that has an effect on, for example, education and housing here as a grateful justification for their asylum plans. But the Problems with Education and Housing Are Mainly caaed by policy, and not by Asylum Seekers.
Policy Should Mainly Deter
Yet the Government’s Program Promises Great Things. For Example, The Netherlands Wants an opt-out on European Asylum Rules and the Cabinet Wants To Introduction Asylum Measures So Quickly That They Will not Initial Go Through Parliament. In Addition, There Will Be All Kinds of Laws to Make Asylum Policy Stricter, More Austere And, Above All, More Deterrent.
Faber Makes No Bones About It: As Far As She is Concerned, The Netherlands is Too Attractive To Asylum Seekers. AltheHeH Scientific Research Cannot Yet Prove or Rule Out That the Policy Itself Ensures That Asylum Seekers Come To The Netherlands, Faber Claims That It Does.
In The First Months of Her Ministership, The Minister is Already Making Headlines, For Example with the Plan to place Return Signs At Asylum Seeker Centers (AZCs). These actions mainly have an effect in the media and conversations at coffee machines. Asylum reception remains overcrowded, althegh the number of asylum seekers through Europe has decreased.
Crisis Law and Asylum Emergency Laws
Anyally, at the end of last year, Faber Manages to Submit Her First Real Major Plans to the House of Representatives. This concerns the so-called two-status system and a law containing all child or different measures, The Asylum Emergency Measures Law.
Actual, that should be a crisis law. After all, The Cabinet Wants To Take Measures Immediately and Only Inform Parliament Later, Just as It Did in the Corona Crisis. Faber Never Got the “Supporting Motivation” for this on paper. After Pressure From the House, The Coalition Neverberness Puts A Line Through The Controversial Plan.
But things are not going smoothly with faber’s new laws either. Involved Parties Complain that they barely have time to look at the plans and have Major Concerns about Their Feasibility. The Government’s Highest Advisory Body also Points to the (IM) Feasibility of the Plans. Faber Herself Refuses to Change Even A Point or Comma In The Laws, Even if they get stuck in Court as a Result.
There is also a lot of criticism of the extra border controls introduced Since December. Last week, the court of audit concluded that they do not provide any relief in the asylum chain at all. Just Wilders Calls the extra checks “A Sham”.
Question Marks are raised about Almost All of Faber’s Plans. In Several Cases, The Judge Has Already Called the Minister Back. This Happens, For Example, When withdrawing the Contribution for the Bed-Bath-Bread Locations or a Sudden Reduction in the Budget for VluchtelingenWerk.
Faber Mainly Attracts Attention Through Squabbles
Faber, As She Herself says Several Times, Continues to “Keep Chugging along”. But in The MeanMe, the Relationship with Her Own Implementing Organizations and Municipalities is Coming Under Increasing Pressure. For example, they are angry about all the ambiguity surrounding the withdrawal of the distribution law.
Faber’s Relationship With Members of Parliament is also Deterniorating Rapidly. Faber Makes Little Effort to Gain Cooperation and Understanding from the Members of Parliament, AltheHe Doeshe Does Need Them for a Majority in the Senate. The Debates are Mainly Marked by Annoyances and Clashes.
These Annoyances REACH A BOILING POINT AT THE BEGINING OF THIS YEAR After Faber Refused to Award Honors to People Who Volunteer for Asylum Seekers. For Almost the Entire Opposition, That is the Last Straw. After all, it is not the first time that the minister Has Wanted to Draw Attention to Her File Through Squabbles.
“Get to work,” is also the sound from her own coalition partners. PVV Member Wilders Continues to support his own minister Through Thick and Thin.
Asylum Laws Will Probable Go Through
This does not stop Faber from Continuing to Throw Pieces of Red Meat Into The Political Arena, As They Call It In The Hague. Not Long After The Honors Affair, The Minister is Openly Angry About the Outings That The Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers (COA) Organizes for Asylum Seekers.
The Netherlands Will Mainly Remember Faber for Such Riots and One-Liners As “I am Policy”. Because Due to the Early Fall of the Cabinet, Faber Has also not Been Given the Opportunity to Further Convert Her Plans Into New Policy.
Despite the Fall of the Cabinet, Faber’s Asylum Laws Will Probable Simply Be Dalt with in Parliament. But it will be her successor who will polish the laws in such a way that they are in line with the rule of law and pass through the houses. And then it is not faber, but her successor who can reap the rewards of a stricter asylum policy.